Tag Archives: prime minister

Japan’s new defense minister reiterated that withdrawal from the Indian Ocean

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September 16, the Prime Minister’s official residence in Tokyo, the new Japanese Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (middle) the rate of cabinet members, the collective appearance before the media. That day, Yukio Hatoyama, Prime Minister named by both houses of Congress was elected as Japan’s new electoral term prime minister and form a new cabinet.

Japan’s new defense minister reiterated that withdrawal from the Indian Ocean

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September 16, in the Japanese capital Tokyo, the prime minister’s official residence, the new Japanese defense minister Kitazawa Toshimi the press conference.

Japan’s new defense minister Kitazawa handsome 17 morning press conference held on the first cabinet minister reiterated that the Democratic Party government in January next year, after the withdrawal of Self-Defense Force vessels from the Indian Ocean.

Kitazawa said that according to the basic propositions of the Democratic Party and the ruling three-party agreement reached in January next year to dispatch the SDF to the Indian Ocean, ships for the United States and other countries after the expiration of the supply of fuel, the government will not continue to extend the term of office. However, on sending the SDF to the Indian Ocean instead of the program, he said it would hold consultations within the Government, hoping to make international contributions to meet the needs.

On the Japan-US relations, North-taek said, the Democratic Party that the Japan-US defense relationship is the main axis of Japan’s diplomacy.

About themselves as defense minister, he said, gave him Hatoyama issued two directives, one at the post under the principle of defense in ensuring the civil service hierarchy, while ensuring that Japan’s peace and security; second is to re-audit “National Defense Program Outline “, in order to develop a new” mid-term defense forces and reorganization plans “to cooperate with the relevant minister.

Democratic Party of Japan on behalf of (ie, the party’s first) Yukio Hatoyama, 16, held in the afternoon in a special congressional election, was elected Prime Minister named a new term for the Japanese prime minister, he formed a new cabinet that afternoon. Former Democratic deputy Kitazawa handsome in the new cabinet appointed defense minister.

The Democratic Party has been advocating in the Indian Ocean next year to send the SDF dispatch will not be renewed after the expiration of term of office, but did not explicitly put forward to support the U.S. anti-terrorism and other forms of assistance to Afghanistan.

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South-East Asia’s Quiet revolutions SEA changes

IT HAS been a year of eye-catching, dramatic upheaval in Europe and the Arab world. The former is still flirting with economic and political collapse, the latter has simply exploded. In both cases, the full consequences of the year’s events are as yet undetermined; all we can say with certainty is that countries such as Libya and Greece have gone through extraordinary change and are likely never to be the same again.

But another part of the world can also boast a year of transformative change: South-East Asia. Certainly, this has not been a full-blown spring as in the Middle East; the gains have been more modest, the shifts less obvious. But the forces unleashed this year may be impossible to stem, in which case they will have brought irreversible change in one of the most politically conservative regions of the world. Furthermore, all this has been achieved with very little bloodshed and no currency crises. Call them polite revolutions.

Consider them country-by-country. Myanmar has probably come the longest distance in the shortest time. In March a quasi-civilian government under a new president, a recently demobbed general, took over after decades of dictatorial military rule. A parliament has begun to function, and the de facto leader of the opposition, Aung San Suu Kyi, who was released from years of house arrest only late last year, seems to have been accepted by the government as a partner. Strict media rules have been relaxed and political prisoners have begun to be released.

In Malaysia the prime minister, Najib Razak, recently announced the abolition of two notorious internal-security laws, the relaxation of curbs on the media and other liberalising measures. The government itself boasts that these reforms will constitute the most sweeping changes the country has seen since winning its independence from Britain in 1957. In Thailand, the Pheu Thai party of the ousted former prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra, now led by his younger sister, Yingluck, won a landslide electoral victory in July. Partly rooted in the country’s “red shirt” movement, many in Pheu Thai campaigned for radical political change, beginning with Thailand’s two most conservative (and formidable) institutions, the army and the monarchy.

Even in tiny, ultra-stable Singapore, the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP), in power, like its Malaysian brethren, ever since independence from Britain, has not been sheltered from the winds of change. In a general election in May its share of the vote fell to an all-time low; in August’s presidential election the PAP’s preferred candidate only just squeaked home. These were unprecedented rebuffs for the party of Lee Kuan Yew. The PAP has promised “to listen”. It may even respond.

What accounts for this relative torrent of change? Most strikingly, unlike in the Arab countries, much of this has been top-down politics; governments, rather than “the street”, have usually taken hold of the reform process, channelling it through measured political action in countries such as Myanmar and Malaysia. Governments, however, have most certainly been nudged, even pushed, by the direct threat of people power.

Many of Malaysia’s reforms, for example, came only after the government’s cack-handed attempt to suppress a rally in July in Kuala Lumpur. Protesters asking for nothing more radical than mild changes to the electoral system were met on the streets by riot police wielding tear gas and water cannon. An embarrassed government, facing a storm of domestic and international condemnation, soon repealed the very security laws that it had used to justify the crackdown in the first place.

Similarly, in Thailand the red shirts will argue that their triumph was the culmination of years of struggle following the ousting of their hero Mr Thaksin in a coup in 2006. Ninety or so people were killed in Bangkok last year in clashes between soldiers and the red shirts. And violence has erupted often enough in Myanmar over demands for political change.

Myanmar has long been an economic disaster area. But elsewhere in the region, the pressure for change has usually come from a sense that political and social reform has lagged behind economic prosperity. Many of the regimes accepting reform this year are essentially still products of the geostrategic climate of the cold war, when political stability was at a premium. Malaysia’s contentious security laws, for example, date from when the British colonial regime was battling a communist insurgency.

The West, especially America, encouraged staunchly anti-communist regimes, even if, in places such as Indonesia and Thailand, this often meant military dictatorships. In Thailand, the army still plays an intrusive role in political life. Indeed, many feared it would not accept a Pheu Thai victory this year—which it has, so far. In many ways Indonesia led the way in political liberalisation when President Suharto was toppled in a popular uprising in 1998. Widespread disillusion with corrupt politicians, however, and the failure to institutionalise the new freedoms, serve as warning to others in the region.

Political leaders moulded by cold-war politics have found that a younger generation—people under 40 or so—are no longer so susceptible to the old rallying cries about stability. They want to make political and social choices of their own.

In pauperised Myanmar the sequence is in reverse. The government’s concern is to catch up economically with the neighbours, whereas the opposition wants political reform first. If both were to happen at the same time, it would put enormous pressure on the country’s institutions—Myanmar might even fall apart. If however, against the odds, it pulls the whole thing off, it might encourage change in others, such as Cambodia and even Vietnam. And what sort of pressure would this put on China, long used to a string of pliant, like-minded dictators to its south? American presidents such as Lyndon Johnson might have called this a domino effect. 

Japan worried about the puppet Prime Minister, Ozawa or destabilizing the new government decision-making

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Ozawa Ichiro (right) is a Democratic House of Representatives of the hero’s victory. The photo shows him and quasi-Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio and work together to roses inserted in the elected Democratic candidate names.

Japan worried about the puppet Prime Minister, Ozawa or destabilizing the new government decision-making

There have been comments that the Democratic Party before the party’s first Ozawa may become a “shadow generals”, and disturb the new government’s decision-making

Democratic Party of Japan made the House of Representatives election victory, Prime Minister of the Democratic Party will become the first Yukio Hatoyama, busy start to the work of personnel appointments and cabinet. In a recent baked personnel arrangements, the former Democratic Party of Japan Ichiro Ozawa received widespread media attention. September 3, Yukio Hatoyama, formally announced at the party headquarters, the appointment of Ozawa of the Democratic Party secretary general. The appointment of one, the Japanese media have speculated that Ozawa summon wind and rain in the Democratic Party, its thunder would outweigh the prospective Prime Minister Hatoyama.

Ozawa Ichiro (right) is a Democratic House of Representatives of the hero’s victory. The photo shows him and quasi-Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio and work together to roses inserted in the name of the Democratic candidate elected

After repeated considering the appointment of

Hatoyama is right, I am afraid there is no more than how to arrange the location of Ozawa’s things even more difficult. The House of Representatives elections, Ozawa’s title is the party’s first deputy. After the election, Hatoyama has not explicitly said, is to make the work of Ozawa continue to serve as the party responsible for electing the first agent, or let him serve as Secretary General. Because Hatoyama worried that if begun using Ozawa served as secretary general, then the current Secretary General Katsuya Okada, how to arrange the event to determine errors, it could have a serious impact on the Democratic Party, and even lead to split the party.

Hatoyama’s hesitation seemed to be a bit unhappy Ozawa. It is said that after the election, it is difficult to find Ichiro Hatoyama. September 2, a little anxious tentative Hatoyama asked Ozawa’s confidant, if want to see Ozawa, is not it should be directed to visit. Ozawa’s confidant said: “Yes ah, to imagine him, the best you personally.”

In the end the decision Hatoyama, is a strong supporter of Ozawa, the Senate Members will Changxing Redstone. 3, evening, and so was a bit impatient Hing Redstone called Hatoyama said that, if not to appoint as the Democratic Party secretary general Ozawa, the Senate will not cooperate with the House of Representatives. Around 10:30 that night, Ozawa deadpanned Hatoyama came to the headquarters office of the Democratic Party. After 10 minutes, all smiles from the Ozawa Hatoyama office walked out. Needless to say, he has been secretary general of the Democratic Party in this important position within the party.

Public concerns about “dual power”

The Democratic Party has always stood for the subject matter of the Government’s central government decision-making. Ozawa as secretary general, led to concerns about some people in Japan. Japanese media that the Democratic Party elders Ozawa became the most important position within the party, it is possible to create another “power center”, caused confusion in the future Hatoyama government. Should the Democratic Party with Ozawa’s influence in the rising thereby affecting policy in favor of the Democratic Party, so far, this is definitely not a good thing.

For the above-mentioned speculation Hatoyama said: “Ozawa has said the government subject the Government to do, he would not participate in government decision-making.” Hatoyama also stressed that: “I am the principal leaders of the Government that there is no dual power structure . ”

In fact, Hatoyama is not shy to become a “puppet” of the suspicion and reuse Ozawa, there is the long-term consideration. Ozawa by the Japanese media as the House of Representatives election, “designer” victory for the Democratic Party has played an unparalleled role. The Hatoyama begun using Ozawa as secretary general, mainly because I wanted him to be held next summer to lead the Senate Democratic re-election victory, but also in order to avoid the opposition of the Liberal Democratic Party will soon be reduced to hold them both in Congress on the political contributions problem.

Can also damage the main primary care

Ichiro Ozawa political blue-blood, previously served as Democratic Party leader. Although the issue of political contributions he was relegated to the background from the foreground, but its strong appeal in the Democratic Party still exists.

Analysts believe that Ozawa as the Democratic Party secretary general, could become the next Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, the best helper, that is, good management and leadership and not intervene in the future of the Democratic Party, Hatoyama government affairs; but it may also become Ozawa Yukio Hatoyama The most dangerous enemy, using his “just the wrist,” like himself to become a “shadow general” type of figure, ultimately affect Hatoyama government decisions. Of course, he was appointed secretary general of the Democratic Party, Ozawa has made it clear that he was determined to obey Democratic Party leader Yukio Hatoyama, any decision.

Japanese media that Ozawa in the future if they can not straighten out his own position, pre-empt the meddling in government affairs, leading to the deterioration of relations, and Hatoyama, it means that the days of Hatoyama’s regime is near. On the contrary, the two if we can live in harmony and close co-operation, future Hatoyama government will be able to maintain long-lasting nature. From this point, the length of the fate of the Democratic Party, the ruling will depend on the relationship between Hatoyama and Ozawa.

Related Links / LINK

“Election of God” director, the rise of the Democratic Party,

Ichiro Ozawa, now 67-year-old former LDP secretary general, Fanyunfuyu in Japanese politics for several decades to achieve, “the two parties take turns in power,” political ideals exhausted efforts. In 1993, Ozawa from the LDP, and Tsutomu Hata, who set up new party, the pro-establishing a new party as the Prime Minister Morihiro Hosokawa, so that the status of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party lost the first time. Since then, Ozawa has single-handedly created the New Frontier Party, the Liberal Party and other non-LDP parties, until it becomes the Democratic Party first. In July 2007, Ozawa led the Democrats in the Senate elections, the status of the success of winning the largest party in the Senate.

As a scheming politician, Ozawa of the Democratic Party in the House of Representatives elections, a strong rise out of a lot of power. Some critics said: “In the Japanese political arena, on the development of sophisticated general election strategy is concerned, no one can go beyond Ichiro Ozawa.” In this House of Representatives election, Ozawa personally selected and trained more than new parliamentary candidate and to help their successful campaign. Japanese media and even, “Ichiro Ozawa, a child” to refer to a new batch of Democratic Congressmen.

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